Technology · Geopolitics · Special Report
How One Strait Could Slow China's AI Race
When analysts talk about threats to China's artificial intelligence ambitions, the conversation almost always centers on Nvidia export bans, TSMC's dominance, and ASML's lithography machines. What almost nobody modeled was a 21-mile-wide stretch of water between Oman and Iran becoming the single most consequential bottleneck in global manufacturing - and with it, a slow-motion squeeze on China's capacity to build, power, and supply the physical infrastructure of AI.
Section I
China produces the goods that the world runs on - electronics, packaging, textiles, automotive parts, medical devices, consumer products of every description. The raw material underpinning much of that output is naphtha, a petroleum-derived feedstock and the primary input for petrochemical cracking: the industrial process that produces ethylene, propylene, and ultimately plastics, synthetic fibres, and packaging.
China relied on the Middle East for roughly 40% of its naphtha imports,[1]↗ flows that transit almost entirely through the Strait of Hormuz. Since the effective closure of the strait in early March 2026, the consequences have been immediate and severe. A joint venture between Shell and China National Offshore Oil shut down an ethylene cracker in Huizhou, China, and informed customers that polyethylene shipments would be suspended indefinitely from March 5. In China's aromatics sector, Wanhua Chemical declared force majeure on toluene diisocyanate and methylene diphenyl diisocyanate - two major polyurethane intermediates.[2]↗
The situation is particularly significant for China, the world's largest methanol buyer, where port inventories could fall from comfortable levels towards "below warning thresholds" if exports from the Middle East remain curtailed, raising costs for producers of plastics, paints, and synthetic fibres.[3]↗ This is not merely an economic inconvenience. The plastics supply chain underpins nearly every manufactured good China exports. Disruptions cascade: no packaging, no shipping; no synthetic materials, no electronics housings, no cables, no insulation. The factory floor of the global economy is being starved of its raw material.
China alone accounts for 37.7% of total crude oil and condensate flows through the Strait of Hormuz - more than any other country by a wide margin.[4]↗ In 2025, crude supplied via the Strait of Hormuz accounted for roughly 35% of China's total crude supplies.[5]↗ China has significant buffers - stockpiles estimated at 1.3 billion barrels by March 2026, roughly 120 days of consumption.[6]↗ But buffers are not solutions. They are timers. A prolonged Strait blockade is expected to reduce major refined oil production, with China projected to reduce output by 50 to 70 percent under a sustained disruption scenario.[7]↗ The prospect of lengthy disruptions and the associated price increases are raising alarm bells in Beijing.[1]↗
Section II
The petrochemical crisis is visible. The helium crisis is not - and it may matter more for China's AI ambitions than anything else flowing through the strait.
Helium is not a curiosity. In semiconductor fabrication it is indispensable: used to cool EUV lithography equipment, as a carrier gas in chemical vapor deposition, for leak detection across cleanroom systems, and for pressurizing the ultra-pure environments that advanced chip production demands. There is no substitute. You cannot make leading-edge chips without it.
Helium's unique physical properties - its extremely low boiling point of -269°C, just 4 degrees above absolute zero, its chemical inertness, and its low atomic mass - make it the only substance capable of cooling EUV lithography machines to operating temperature. It is simultaneously used as a carrier gas in chemical vapor deposition, for leak detection in vacuum systems, and as a purge gas in cleanrooms where even trace molecular contaminants destroy yield. Unlike almost every other industrial input, no other element or compound can substitute for helium in these roles at any scale.
Over 83% of China's helium supply came from outside China,[8]↗ and because these supply sources are highly vulnerable to geopolitical shifts, the security of the nation's supply chain faces a severe challenge - a warning Chinese researchers published in an academic journal just months before the crisis began. They could not have known how quickly it would arrive.
On February 28, Iranian drone and missile strikes hit QatarEnergy's Ras Laffan Industrial City, the world's largest LNG export facility and a cornerstone of global helium production. QatarGas immediately ceased LNG and related product operations and declared force majeure.[9]↗ Qatar produces roughly a third of the world's helium. The Strait of Hormuz is the only maritime exit for that supply.
China had sought to reduce reliance on the US as relations soured, cutting helium imports from the US from 28% a decade ago to 2% in 2025 and boosting imports from Russia to about 42%.[8]↗ But Russia's alternative - the Amur Gas Processing Plant - has been unreliable since a catastrophic fire in 2021 damaged the facility, and subsequent export disruptions followed the Ukraine war.[10]↗ The fallback has its own fragility.
Section III
Helium is a cryogenic liquid that must be stored near absolute zero in specialized containers. Once insulation is depleted, the helium warms, expands into a gas, and escapes - so it must typically be transported within 45 days of liquefaction. Chip makers can store about six weeks' worth of supply. Roughly 200 specialized containers are reportedly stranded near the Strait of Hormuz.[11]↗
That is not a supply chain problem. That is a countdown.
The cost of helium in China has jumped more than 120%, from 76 yuan per cubic meter in early March to 170 yuan.[8]↗ Suppliers report they can only guarantee some supply to existing customers and are taking no new orders. Spot prices for helium have doubled since the crisis began.[12]↗ GlobalData warns this could immediately pressure lead times, allocations, and prices, with fabs particularly exposed given limited substitutes and the need to maintain process stability and tool uptime.[12]↗
"Oil is the headline commodity in any Gulf disruption, but for the technology sector, the bigger black swan is specialty materials, especially helium. Semiconductor fabrication, memory production, and high-performance computing rely on stable flows of noble gases. If those flows are impaired, the effects can be faster and harder to manage than an oil price spike."
Ramnivas Mundada · Director, Companies and Economic Research · GlobalDataSection IV
China's AI development has been operating under extraordinary pressure even before the Hormuz crisis. China's most advanced fabs are far less advanced than the TSMC fabs that make Nvidia's chips, largely due to US and allied restrictions on the export of advanced semiconductor manufacturing equipment. Huawei's next-generation chip in 2026 will actually be worse than its best chip today.[13]↗ That structural disadvantage now intersects with a materials crisis.
China's domestic chip fabrication - already constrained to older process nodes - depends on the same helium supply chains being squeezed globally. A prolonged disruption could lead to chip factory shutdowns and delays cascading across the broader economy, from electronics to vehicles.[8]↗ Beijing is expected to triage. Analysts suggest the government is likely to step in to divert supplies for high-priority medical use. Smaller chipmakers and lower-end manufacturers with slimmer profit margins may face greater strain than advanced chipmakers, which tend to maintain larger stockpiles. But that prioritization itself reveals the bind: when a government must choose which industry gets a scarce input, industrial strategy has been replaced by crisis management.
The helium and naphtha constraints do not exist in isolation. They layer onto a crisis already multiplied by concurrent shocks. Middle Eastern aluminum represents approximately 22% of global supply excluding China - a key material in server chassis, heat exchangers, and motor housings. Data centers, the physical infrastructure of AI, are intensely aluminum-dependent.[9]↗ One third of China's total LNG use comes from the Strait.[1]↗ LNG powers the gas turbines that run industrial facilities and, increasingly, the data centers that train and run AI models. As energy prices rise, so does the cost of running the infrastructure on which AI depends.[11]↗ And powering those data centers requires chips that themselves require helium to manufacture. The circularity of the crisis is almost elegant in its brutality.
There is a deep irony buried in all of this. The Hormuz crisis was triggered by a conflict in which China played no direct role. Yet China, by virtue of being the world's largest manufacturing economy and its most import-dependent one, finds itself among the most acutely exposed. China has spent years and vast sums attempting to achieve semiconductor self-sufficiency precisely to insulate itself from geopolitical leverage. What the Hormuz crisis reveals is that chip design and chip manufacturing are only part of the dependency chain. The gases, the feedstocks, the energy inputs, the aluminum for server racks - all of these flow through the same global arteries that geopolitics can, and now demonstrably does, constrict.
What Hormuz has revealed is not a single vulnerability but a category of vulnerability previously outside the frame of semiconductor supply chain planning: critical, non-substitutable process inputs that are concentrated in a small number of countries, and never incorporated into the stress tests that governments and industry have previously run on the sector.[14]↗
China's AI race is not going to be decided solely in the model weights of DeepSeek or the chip counts of Huawei's Ascend line. It may also be decided by whether a colorless, odorless gas can be kept cold enough, for long enough, to keep fabrication lines running - and whether the petrochemical feedstocks to manufacture the physical goods that sustain China's economy keep flowing through a strait that, right now, barely is. The world built a global economy on the assumption that certain chokepoints would always hold. Hormuz has just demonstrated that they do not.
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All articles cited to primary institutional or peer-reviewed sources
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